
Existen boas razóns para quedar nel ata o final da lexislatura, que se resumen no «conseguir cousas para a xente» ou no máis ambicioso «gobernar para a xente». Imos visitar algúns argumentos en contra, o primeiro dos cales pasa por converter a afirmación nunha pregunta: está o goberno coa xente? Ou, máis modestamente, está o goberno a «conseguir cousas»?

O goberno debería tomar a iniciativa e considerar en serio a reforma da lei de vivenda. A vivenda como rendemento inmobiliario non é de recibo cando despraza moita xente ao límite da pobreza. É moito o que se xoga o PSOE, e máis aínda Sumar, nas próximas eleccións.

Nun exercicio de impotencia burocrática, os sindicatos sairon á rúa. Afirman, como ferramenta do movemento obreiro histórico que son, que non pensan renunciar e aplauden a teimosía de Yolanda. Toda unha metáfora que resume ben o que foi a historia do movemento obreiro desde os Pactos da Moncloa

Sánchez vive no universo imaxinario Biden-Harris, un mundo no que aínda existe a alternancia bipartidista dentro dun mesmo paradigma neoliberal. Se quere pasar á historia coma outra cousa que o presidente do caso Koldo-Ábalos-Cerdán, máis lle vale que vire á esquerda a non máis tardar.

Os socialistas entenderon ben isto ao sinalar que a cousa é que se fai coa corrupción, non como se impide. Mais isto non abonda. Agora arriscan no Congreso con medidas insuficientes. No entanto, Sumar debería facer as cousas doutro xeito. Para comezar, respectando o pactado coa cidadanía.

Dando por descontado que cada quen mirará polo seu, poderán desenvolver estratexias conxuntas para alén dos seus obxectivos de parte ou sacrificarán as vantaxes particulares a prol dun escenario máis favorábel a medio e longo prazo?

Turbulencias: dende a caída de Díaz do liderado de Sumar, pasando pola situación no Parlament de Catalunya e o auxe do partido de Alvise. Veñen tempos interesantes, tamén fráxiles.

Se na Galiza e en Euskadi Sánchez deixou que as campañas pasaran polas canles habituais, perante as eleccións catalás sabía que non podía ser o caso, así que botou man dunha notoria excepción.

Sumar ten problemas de consistencia no seu discurso. A nivel estatal, dende o 2019, a «esquerda á esquerda» do PSOE perde votos. Tamén en Galiza, onde foi o BNG quen medrou collendo espazo da Nova Política.

No caso de Sumar aínda está por descubrir a acción desobediente que o informaría como movemento. Pola contra, non é difícil comprobar que Sumar se está constituír coma unha sorte de «espectáculo» do que foi Podemos.
O relato institucional sobre a transición e sobre os reinados de Juan Carlos I e Felipe VI consolidan a Coroa como alimento ideolóxico fundamental para o nacionalismo españolista
O vindeiro domingo celébranse as eleccións áa presidencia da República lusa máis rifadas e concorridas dos últimos anos, con dez candidatos homes e só unha muller.
Desta volta falamos con Isabel, que coordina o Arquivo do Patrimonio Oral da Identidade (APOI). É o programa de dixitalización, catalogación, estudo e difusión do patrimonio inmaterial que o Instituto de Estudos das Identidades do Museo do Pobo Galego puxo a andar en abril de 2007.
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